In September 1905
First of all, in Finland, appeals were issued in Finnish language on behalf of the party of active resistance with a call to the population to influence the Russian troops, finding out to them the treacherous actions of the Russian government against Finland, facilitating the escape of soldiers from military units and hiding the fugitives. Spread among the troops and the proclamations of the Socialist Revolutionaries in Russian, advising them to abandon the use of weapons against the Finnish people and follow the example of sailors who raised a riot on the Potemkin
2 - In Orenburg, the strike of the main railway workshops
4 - in Vladikavkaz, the Georgian-Armenian demonstration with red flags, In Abash - Art. Transcaucasian Railway - an armed attack on a mail train with injuring 1 and killing 2 passengers.

5 - at the same station at Abache, the crowd, having learned that revolutionary train prisoners are following the train, begins to shoot the train, which causes return fire from the military guard of the train; as a result of 8 killed and many wounded
8-11 - at meetings of the Congress of Psychiatrists, student demonstrations and the announcement of social democratic proclamations with rebellious cries. In Nizhny Novgorod, searches carried out at the same time uncovered a secret printing house of the “active Sormovo battle group of the Nizhny Novgorod Committee of the Social Democratic Labor Party” and a host of proclamations.
9 - in Warsaw, a bomb was thrown at the window of the bank office of Shereshevsky, injuring an attacker - and it turns out that this is a revenge for the fact that Shereshevsky did not pay 1000 rubles, at the request of the “Warsaw group of anarchist-communist-internationalist c.”
10 - in Riga, at a meeting of Latvians, a significant supply of illegal literature and weapons was discovered.
11 - in Armavir, the Kuban region, an anti-government demonstration and armed clash with military units, with one killed and several injured.
On the train, following it from Tiflis to Gori, at first 2 workers with bombs, revolutionary literature and type were detained, carrying this transport for the Gurian revolutionary organizations, and then several more workers, members of these organizations, were also detained.
11 in Baku, on Bibi Heybat, 62 people were arrested at a meeting of inter-district representatives of the Baku Committee of Socialists of Revolutionaries. On the same day, in Saratov, when Gorokhov, a member of the Social Revolutionary Party, was arrested, a laboratory for the manufacture of explosives, illegal literature, weapons, etc .; while 7 persons were arrested.
12 - in Nizhyn, when 5 revolutionaries were arrested, 1 Russian1 was killed, 4 Jews were detained, a police bailiff and mortally city police officer were seriously injured in the arrest.
In Kovno, a bomb thrown by unknown men who managed to escape by attackers injured police chief Ivanov, 3 officials and 3 women.
13 - in Płock, Jewish gatherings and an armed clash with the police and military forces, resulting in 1 death and 10 arrests.
15 - in the Gazenpot district, Courland province, a wine shop was looted, the head of the Mariengof station, Libavo-Gazenpot railway was killed, and 220 rubles were stolen from the station cash desk.
In St. Petersburg on September 14, investigations were carried out against 41 members of the “St. Petersburg group of the Social Democratic Party” to discover a secret printing house, a warehouse of revolutionary publications and weapons, and on September 16, when the workers of the Nevsky Shipyard Bryukhanov and Streltsov were arrested, a workshop of explosive shells and illegal publications were discovered party of socialists of revolutionaries.
17 - in Irkutsk, during the arrest of 4 people, the transport of literature and proclamations was targeted for the local social revolutionary group.
18 - in Grodno, in the apartment of the tradesman Rutkovsky, several pounds of type were found, forged stamps of government offices, 2 stamps of the Grodno committee “Bund”, passport forms, prepared forged passports, red flags with inscriptions and revolutionary literature.
18 - in Tomsk, a mass gathering near the university with rebellious speeches and scattering of proclamations, which caused military intervention and arrests.
21 - at Art. “Khilok”, Trans-Baikal Railway, the strike of the workers of the station depot and an attempt to beat the masters and the head of the depot, suspended by the actions of the military echelon.
22 - in Bialystok, at the apartment of the anarchist Engelson, an underground printing press was found with printed proclamations and bombs.
In Rostov-on-Don, searches were carried out by revolutionary figures of the “Don Committee of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party” with the discovery of explosive shells and a warehouse of illegal literature.
24 - near the station Kushchevka, the Vladikavkaz railway, the train crashed due to deliberate damage to the track, which resulted in 24 killed and 30 wounded.
26 - in Yekaterinburg, at a meeting of the Zemstvo Assembly, a group of revolutionaries among 20 people made an anti-government demonstration against the establishment of the State Duma as an institution of a law-enforcement, with which proclamations were scattered and red flags were thrown.
In Tiflis, at three points of the barracks cantonment of the Cossack troops, 8 bombs were simultaneously thrown, causing the death of 1 Cossack and injuries 15
28 - in St. Petersburg, workers at the shipyard Kolosov and Lovtsov discovered a workshop for explosive shells.
30 - local police chief von Eitmann was killed from a revolver in Krasnoyarsk by hiding intruders
Finally, during September 1905, a labor movement broke out among the typographic workers, which was used by the professional union of this industry to cause a strike in many factories, which constituted a prologue to the All-Russian October strike.

The beginning of the first Russian revolution was the tragic events of January 9, 1905 (Bloody Sunday), when a 200,000-strong peaceful demonstration of workers led by priest Gapon was shot at the walls of the Winter Palace.

In the petition, the emperor was offered a peaceful way to solve socio-economic and political problems, namely: the abolition of redemption payments and indirect taxes, the transfer of land to the people, the convening of the Constituent Assembly, the equality of all before the law, the introduction of fundamental political freedoms, etc. The workers sought from the king priests of intercession.

The security department of St. Petersburg had reliable information about the exclusively peaceful mood of the workers. Representatives of the liberal and populist intelligentsia (Gorky, Annenkov, etc.) also attempted to prevent bloodshed by sending their deputation to Count S.Yu. Witte and Prince P.D. Svyatopolk-Mirsky, in order to vouch for the peaceful nature of the procession and ask the government not to shoot people, but to enter into negotiations with representatives of the "Assembly of Russian factory workers." But the government decided not to allow the people to the Winter Palace, and in case of disobedience to use weapons.

The supreme power was not ready for dialogue with the lower classes. The answer of the tsarist government is known:

a) about 130-200 people were killed and 500-700 people were injured;

b) the armed actions of the troops and the police against the residents of the city continued in the following days;

c) the Minister of the Ministry of Internal Affairs Svyatopolk-Mirsky was removed (for “softness”); the post of Minister of the Ministry of Internal Affairs was taken by a man with conservative views of A.G. Bulygin;

d) the post of the St. Petersburg Governor General with extraordinary powers was established, the post of which was taken by one of the most ardent reactionaries, the former chief police officer of Moscow, General Trep DF, who actually became the dictator of the capital.

e) the use of repressive measures (mass arrests, expulsion from the capital, etc.).

All these actions clearly showed that the government did not want to agree peacefully, at least at this time. Nicholas II and his entourage in their desire to maintain power did not choose a word, but a weapon. However, the events of January 9, 1905 caused mass protests throughout the country and laid the foundation for the first Russian revolution.

In the country, the process of a decline in the prestige of power was growing like an avalanche. New forces were drawn into the struggle. On January 10, 160 thousand people were on strike in St. Petersburg. at 650 enterprises. The slogan of the Petersburg proletariat “Death or freedom!” Echoed throughout Russia:

The labor movement became All-Russian (strikes, during which political demands prevailed, swept over 140 industrial centers);

The organizational centers of the labor movement appeared in the person of the Soviets of Workers' Deputies (the first city-wide Council arose in Ivanovo-Voznesensk in May 1905);

The unrest of the peasants, covering 1/5 of all counties of European Russia, intensified (accompanied by arson of noble estates, seizure of grain barns, etc.);

Revolutionary fermentation began in the army and navy (June 1905, the uprising on the battleship "Potemkin");

The growing protest of the masses, the pressure on the tsar by some ministers forced the tzar to think about other ways of fighting the revolution. January 17, the king convenes a special meeting chaired by S.Yu. Witte, who was entrusted with the preparation of a project of primary transformations. But a radical revolution in the king’s plans occurred in the second half of February, when he came to the recognition of the idea of \u200b\u200bpopular representation. So, on February 18, a rescript was born in the name of the Minister of Internal Affairs A. Bulygin on the convening of national representatives (from among those elected from the people) who were involved in the preliminary development and discussion of legislative proposals, but with the "indispensable preservation of the inviolability of the basic laws of the empire."

On August 6, the “Manifesto and Regulation on the State Duma Elections”, named by Bulyginskaya by the name of the author of the project, and the “Regulation” on elections to it were approved. The Duma was considered as a representative legislative body. Elections were planned multi-stage, not equal. Most of the population was deprived of voting rights on material, social, ethnic, etc. featured: students, military personnel, workers, women and some national minorities.

The concessions of the king did not meet the expectations of society and could not stop the country's growing politicization. It is characteristic that the majority of forces opposed to the government at that time already had more or less developed programs for the political reorganization of the country. As a result:

The Bolsheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries called for a boycott of the Bulygin Duma, with its subsequent development into a popular uprising;

Some moderate liberals were satisfied with the establishment of the Legislative Duma, while most representatives of the liberal movement spoke in favor of expanding its rights and universal suffrage.

The second stage of the revolution (October - December 1905)  - the highest rise of the revolutionary movement:

From the beginning of autumn 1905, a sharp increase in the revolutionary movement was observed in Russia. New moments appeared in it related to the growth of the organization of the masses (the formation of strike and strike committees and the involvement of railway workers in the strike movement (the establishment of the All-Russian Railway Union). The result of this process was the All-Russian October political strike, which covered 120 cities of the empire and 2 million workers. She paralyzed her whole life in the country.

On October 17, 1905, Nicholas II signed the Manifesto “On Improving the Public Order”.

The manifesto was the second step after the reforms of the 60-70s. XIX century on the path of converting autocracy into a constitutional monarchy. The introduction of civil liberties ensured the legalization of political parties in Russia (the influence of socialists and the formation of liberal and monarchist parties), trade union and other public organizations were strengthened. Thus, the Manifesto of October 17 was the maximum of Nicholas II's concessions for the entire period of his reign and had a turning point in the history of the revolution of 1905-1907, causing a split in its ranks:

Monarchists defended the autocracy (the organization of the Black-Hundred pogroms and the use of individual terror tactics);

The liberals regarded the concessions of the monarch as a major victory and called for an end to the struggle (but contradictions in theoretical and tactical issues led to the formation of two main Russian liberal parties - the Cadets and the Octobrists);

The Mensheviks (RSDLP) called for efforts to ensure the fulfillment of government promises;

The Bolsheviks (RSDLP) would begin preparations for an armed uprising in Moscow, initiate a boycott of the State Duma;

The Socialist-Revolutionaries (AKP) made a bet on intensifying the tactics of individual terror as a means of influencing the psyche of the masses and the measure of intimidation of the government, which, in their opinion, should lead to the breakdown of the existing social system (in 1905-1907 they committed 204 terrorist acts) .

The end of 1905 was the time of new actions of the revolutionary forces with the active participation of the Social Democrats, Socialist-Revolutionaries and Anarchists: a) peasant uprisings (land seizures, the defeat of landowners' estates) led to the abolition of redemption payments; b) uprisings in Kronstadt and Sevastopol (October-November), c) riots on the Trans-Siberian Railway (October-December); d) armed demonstrations in 50 cities of the country (December 1905 - January 1906). A special place was occupied by the armed uprising in Moscow organized by the Bolsheviks (December 9-19, 1905). Poor organization, lack of support from St. Petersburg (the arrest of members of the St. Petersburg Council), and most importantly, a change in the situation in the country after the Manifesto of October 17, led to the defeat of the rebels and numerous victims.

The uprising in Moscow showed that workers play a big role in the life of the country. In the midst of the uprising (December 11), a new election law was passed, by which they received voting rights.

But the election law of December 11, 1905, in accordance with which elections were held in the I and II State Duma, contained significant restrictions:

The elections were not direct;

Introduced age and property qualifications.

The third stage of the revolution (January 1906 - June 3, 1907)  characterized by the decline of the revolution and the strengthening of the position of state power.

Since the beginning of 1906, the activities of the socialist parties have noticeably intensified, striving to direct the revolutionary movement in the direction they need. But the number of organized mass protests of workers and peasants was sharply reduced. Outbreaks of spontaneous disparate actions (assault on police, seizure of weapons, seizure of land, etc.) were observed.

The final stage of the first Russian revolution was characterized by the rise of the national liberation movement, both under the slogan of the struggle for national autonomy (neo-populist parties - Dashnaktsutyun, socialist federalists of Georgia, etc.) and cultural-national autonomy (parties of the social democratic direction - The Bund, S.-D. Party of Lithuania and Ukraine, etc.).

By the beginning of 1906, at the center of political life was the question of convening the State Duma. On February 20, 1906, the Manifesto was published. The rights of the Duma were seriously limited by the Basic Laws promulgated on April 23, 4 days before the opening of the First Duma. In accordance with them, the emperor belonged to the "supreme autocratic power" (Article 4), that is, "initiative in all subjects of legislation", "approval" of laws, "power of government in its entirety." The king appointed a government that was responsible to him.

The Duma had a limited legislative initiative: it could not introduce bills related to the “jurisdiction of the sovereign” (diplomatic, military, internal affairs of the Court), it did not control about half of the state budget. Deputies of the State Duma (as well as members of the State Council) received from the state "per diem" while working for 10 rubles. per day (in the State Council - 25 rubles each), in addition, money for accommodation, road and heating.

Decisions of the Duma were to be approved by the State Council. The design of the "3 locks" was created. Legislative power was handed simultaneously to three bodies: the State Duma, the State Council and the emperor.

The law could be adopted only with the consent of all three bodies, the objections of at least one of them excluded the possibility of adopting the law. Between sessions under "extraordinary circumstances" the tsar himself issued decrees, which were then approved by the Duma and the Council. The government often exercised this right in conflict situations with the State Duma.

During the period of the first Russian revolution, State Duma I and II were convened (April-July 1906; February-June 1907). After the dissolution of the First State Duma, leftist terrorist parties and parties became disillusioned with attempts to peacefully negotiate with the authorities and incited discontent among the workers and peasants, the terrorists waged a real war with the authorities. Dozens and drowsiness killed representatives of state and military authorities. A whole series of spontaneous and fragmented uprisings broke out in the summer and winter of 1906 (sailors and soldiers in Sveaborg, Kronstadt, Revel, workers of St. Petersburg, etc.).

The post of chairman of the Council of Ministers, while retaining the post of minister of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, was taken by P. A. Stolypin, who had embarked on the fight against revolutionary terrorism. In August 1906, a decree was passed on military courts that examined cases of criminals captured at the scene of murders, riots, and terrorist attacks during the day. The sentence was executed at 24 hours. Some modern scholars are inclined to consider these measures harsh, but forced (according to S. Oldenburg, in 1906 718 were killed and 820 government representatives wounded). According to the sentences of these courts for the period from August 1906 to April 1907. more than a thousand people were executed. In this situation, elections were held in the Second State Duma.

The Stolypin government tried to direct the work of the Duma in the right direction of discussion of government bills and decrees. But due to the preponderance of the left parties (Social Democrats, Social Revolutionaries, National Socialists) in it, which demanded the abolition of Stolypin laws and opposed the military courts, the Duma’s cooperation with the government was impossible. Under the pretext of a plot being prepared, Stolypin demanded the exclusion of 55 socialist deputies from its ranks and deprivation of 16 of them parliamentary immunity. In response to the Duma's disagreement with Stolypin's demands, it was dissolved (June 3, 1907).

At the same time, a new election regulation was published (June 3, 1907), but which did not receive the approval of the Duma. This violated the proclamation of new election laws proclaimed by the fundamental laws. The new electoral law was amended in favor of the propertied sections of the population (1 landowner vote \u003d 4 votes of the big bourgeoisie \u003d 60 votes of the middle bourgeoisie \u003d 243 votes of the peasants \u003d 545 votes of workers). June 3, 1907 is considered the end of the revolution. These events were called the Third June coup.

Reasons for defeat:

1. The split of the opposition to autocracy forces.

2. The insufficient experience of the revolutionary struggle of the proletariat and the peasantry.

3. Inconsistency of revolutionary actions.

4. The revolutionary parties could not lead the masses.

5. The army as a whole remained faithful to the tsarist regime.

6. Help tsarism from abroad.

Sevastopol uprising  - an armed uprising of sailors of the Black Sea Fleet and soldiers of the Sevastopol garrison, workers of the port and the Marine Plant, which occurred during the first Russian revolution from November 11 to November 16, 1905.

In October 1905, an all-Russian political strike spread throughout Russia. A difficult situation also developed in Crimea: on October 10, railway workers at the Dzhankoy station and on the Feodosi railway line went on strike, the Nikolaev railway stopped, October 11 the railway workers of Simferopol station stopped working, on October 14, a demonstration was dispersed along the Nakhimovsky Avenue in Sevastopol by soldiers of the 50th Belostoksky Infantry a shelf. October 17 in Yalta closed all institutions and educational institutions, shops and banks. On October 18, workers of printing houses and tobacco factories, employees of the postal and telegraph office went on strike in Simferopol, and shops closed.

On the evening of October 18, 1905, the text of the manifesto on October 17 was received in Sevastopol. Initially, the news was received positively in the city, the people rejoiced, people hugged, congratulated each other. However, the situation soon changed. A spontaneous rally gathered near the Naval Museum. After the rally, its participants, together with the port workers and artisans who joined them, moved to a demonstration along the streets of the city. The demonstrators, led by the well-known Sevastopol People’s Volunteer N. I. Emelyanov, approached the building of the City Duma, delegates were sent from it to the meeting of the Duma. The crowd of demonstrators reached 8-10 thousand people. Under the influence of slogans, the demonstration turned into a political one, the portrait of Nicholas II was torn, a decision was made to go to prison to release political prisoners. Among others, Lieutenant P.P. Schmidt spoke at a rally near the prison. For a completely unknown reason, the crowd was dispersed by the shots of the 49th Brest Infantry Regiment, with 8 killed and 50 rally participants wounded. On the evening of the same day, P.P. Schmidt turned to the Duma with a demand for punishment for those responsible for the deaths of demonstrators.

October 20, the funeral of the victims of the shooting took place, bringing together about 10 thousand demonstrators. At the funeral, P.P. Schmidt also delivered a speech that became known as the "Oath of Schmidt": "We swear that we will never yield to anyone a single inch of the human rights we have won." On the evening of the same day, Schmidt was arrested and imprisoned at the flagship squadron battleship “Three Saints”, the investigation was resumed by the investigation “about the loss of official money”. The City Council immediately filed a motion for his release.

On October 26, the workers of Sevastopol elected Schmidt the "lifelong deputy" of the Council, who demanded the immediate release of Schmidt as their deputy. On November 2, due to the deteriorating health, Schmidt was transferred to the hospital. On November 3, Schmidt freely left the hospital. Schmidt was forbidden to appear at meetings, his dismissal was accelerated and took place on November 7.

By mid-November, the situation in the city worsened. On November 8, the cruiser "Ochakov", which was undergoing acceptance tests before commissioning, showed the first signs of fermentation. In August, a team of 385 sailors was appointed to him, most of them recruits. In addition, among the workers of the Sormovsky plant, who were on a cruiser to install machines, there were several people of the Social Democrats who were actively campaigning. The stoker and machine crew, gathered for a flying rally, refused to obey the commander, who invited the sailors to disperse to their premises. When the commander began to threaten them with punishment, outcries of indignation were heard from the crowd, even shouts were heard: “Down with the commander!” On November 9, when the flag was hoisted, the team did not respond to the commander’s salutation, and then, gathering on the lower chants, she again began to shout: “Down!” Arriving at the cruiser, the naval prosecutor complained about the rudeness of the commander, about bad writing and demanded that the officers explain the events daily and generally talk with the team on political issues.

On November 9, students of secondary schools in Sevastopol went on strike again: a real school, a female gymnasium, and a male gymnasium. On November 10, after seeing off the demobilized sailors, a large rally took place, resulting in a powerful demonstration.

Insurrection

On November 11, elections to the Council of workers, sailors and soldiers' deputies were to take place. In this regard, it was planned to hold large rallies at sailor and soldier barracks. Admiral Chukhnin, in order to prevent a rally from naval barracks, sent a combined detachment of sailors of naval crews and soldiers of the Bialystok regiment, who occupied the exits from the barracks and did not let sailors go to the rally.

In the confrontation that began, sailor K. Petrov fired a rifle at Captain Stein's headquarters and killed him and wounded him at Rear Admiral Pisarevsky. K. Petrov was captured, but almost immediately released by sailors. The soldiers of the Brest Regiment, the fortress artillery, joined the rebellious sailors of the naval division.

On the evening of November 11, Chukhnin reported to Nicholas II by telegram: “The sailors will probably set some conditions that will have to obey or dismiss the fleet”

On the night of November 12, the first Sevastopol Council of sailors, soldiers and workers' deputies was elected, headed by I. Voronitsyn.

On November 11, Ochakov went to sea to test tower guns, and upon returning to the port in the evening, the team found out about the events in the crews.

On November 12, a general strike began in the city. A significant part of the sailors and part of the soldiers of the Brest regiment supported the rebels.

On the morning of November 12, the first meeting of the Sevastopol Council took place. By evening, the demands of the rebels had been worked out: the convocation of a Constituent Assembly, the establishment of an 8-hour working day, the release of political prisoners, the abolition of the death penalty, the lifting of martial law, and the reduction of military service. An executive body of the Council was created - “Sailor Commission.

On November 13, an uprising began on the cruiser Ochakov. The officers, along with the conductors, left the ship. The uprising was led by S.P. Chastnik, N.G. Antonenko and A.I. Gladkov.

In the afternoon of November 14, Lieutenant Schmidt arrived at Ochakov, raising a signal on it: “I command the fleet. Schmidt. "

On the night of November 15, the shock detachments took possession of the Griden mine cruiser, the ferocious destroyer Ferocious, and several small vessels, and some weapons were seized in the port.

In the morning, red flags were hoisted on all the rebel ships. The team of St. Panteleimon (formerly Potemkin) joined the rebels. In the afternoon of November 15, the rebels were presented with an ultimatum about surrender.

Having not received an answer to the ultimatum, loyal to the tsar troops began shelling the rebel ships. After a two-hour battle, the rebels surrendered.

Total

Lieutenant P. P. Schmidt, sailors A. I. Gladkov, N. G. Antonenko, conductor S. P. Chastnik were sentenced to death (executed on 6.3.1906 on the island of Berezan), 14 people were sentenced to indefinite penal servitude, 103 people - to hard labor, 151 people were sent to disciplinary units, more than 1000 people were punished without trial.

MULTI-PARTY

The emergence of the party system in the country dates back to the beginning of the 20th century, when the Manifesto on October 17, 1905 granted civil liberties to the population, including freedom of union (which implied the freedom to create political parties). A multi-party system is enshrined in the Constitution as one of the foundations of the constitutional system (Article 13, part 2), which means not only the possibility of the existence of a number of parties with different programs, but also the equality of all parties created and operating in accordance with the law.

Liberal Camp

The process of organizing the liberal parties begins. Even during the All-Russian political strike on October 12, the liberal bourgeoisie gathered its congress. Everything was ready for the proclamation of the Constitutional Democratic Party. But they didn’t want to create an illegal party, and therefore they delayed the congress. When the manifesto appeared on October 17, already on October 18 the party was proclaimed. The congress adopted the program, charter, elected an interim Central Committee. And in November 1905, the Octobrists Party was created (“Union October 17”). These are the two most numerous liberal parties, brought to life by the first revolution in Russia. By the winter of 1906, the number of cadet parties was 50-60 thousand people, of the Union on October 17, 70-80 thousand people.

The social composition of the parties was far from homogeneous. Representatives of various public groups united here. The motives that guided the people who joined the Cadet or Octobrists party were very diverse.

The cadet party included the color of the intelligentsia, but in the central and local organizations there were large landowners, merchants, bank employees, and prominent entrepreneurs of that time. In the central committee of the party there were 11 large landowners. The most famous surnames in Russia: F.A. Golovin - vowel of the county and provincial zemstvo, chairman of the II State Duma; Prince Dolgorukov - county leader of the nobility; N.N. Lviv - the district leader of the nobility, honorary justice of the peace, deputy of the four thoughts; DI. Shakhovskoy - county leader of the nobility, secretary of the First Duma.

The intelligentsia was represented by famous scholars, such as the historian P.N. Milyukov, Academician V.I. Vernadsky, famous lawyers S.N. Muromtsev, V.M. Hesse, S.A. Kotlyarevsky. The Central Committee of the Constitutional Democratic Party at least one third consisted of lawyers. The leader of the party and its main ideologist was P.N. Milyukov.

The cadets considered the main struggle to be the legal struggle for political freedom and reform through the Duma. They raised questions about the convening of the Constituent Assembly, about the need to adopt the Constitution. Their political ideal was a parliamentary monarchy. They proclaimed the idea of \u200b\u200bseparation of legislative, executive and judicial powers. The Cadets demanded the reform of local self-government, recognized the right to create a trade union, freedom of strikes, assembly, but did not recognize the people's right to self-determination, believed that it was possible to limit themselves to the right to free cultural self-determination. They denied the social revolution, but believed that the political revolution could be caused by the “unreasonable” policies of the government.

As part of the governing bodies of the Octobrists, a particularly prominent role was played by Zemstvo leaders: D.N. Shipov - a prominent zemstvo leader who led the party in 1905; Count D.A. Olsufiev - a large landowner, member of the State Council; Baron P.L. Korf - fellow chairman of the Central Committee "Union October 17"; ON. Khomyakov - provincial leader of the nobility (in the future chairman of the III State Duma); Prince P.P. Golitsyn is a member of the Council of State. Even the administrator of the affairs of His Imperial Majesty the Office for the Acceptance of Petitions, Rudolf Vladimirovich von Freiman, joined the Octobrist party.

And, of course, the social support of the Octobrist party, in the first place, were representatives of the large commercial and industrial bourgeoisie. In this sense, the “October 17 Union” party was much more bourgeois than the Cadet party, relying mainly on broad sections of the intelligentsia. Many bankers and industrialists became Octobrists, for example, brothers Vladimir and Pavel Ryabushinsky - owners of a banking house and manufactories; A.A. Knoop - Chairman of the Moscow Bank; A.I. Guchkov (future chairman of the III State Duma), who led the Octobrist party in 1906; his brothers, Konstantin, Nikolai and Fedor, who owned commercial banks in Moscow, the tea trade, sugar beet factories, books and newspapers; M.V. Zhivago - director of the Lensky gold mining partnership.

The Octobrists considered their goal to assist the government, which was moving along the path of reforms aimed at updating the social system. They rejected the ideas of revolution and were advocates of slow transformations. Their political program was conservative. Opposing parliamentarism, they defended the principle of a hereditary constitutional monarchy with a legislative State Duma. The Octobrists were supporters of a single and indivisible Russia (with the exception of Finland), the preservation of property, educational qualifications, residency for participation in elections to the State Duma, local government, and the court.

Nthe beginning of the revolution. Putilov strike.

Bloody Sunday.

On January 3, 1905, a strike began at the Putilov factory. The reason was the dismissal of several workers. An attempt by the “Assembly of Russian Factory Workers of St. Petersburg” to come to an agreement with the administration of the plant was unsuccessful. As a result, on January 4, 15 thousand workers went on strike, and on the 8th - already 111 thousand. The strike became universal.

G. Gapon proposed to organize a procession and hand over to Nicholas II a petition with a request to improve the situation of workers.

The discussion of the text of the petition was open in the Gapon departments. In addition to economic workers, under the influence of the Bolsheviks they included political requirements in the text. The workers demanded: the transfer of land to the people and the abolition of redemption payments, the abolition of indirect taxes and their replacement with direct progressive income tax, the execution of orders of the military and naval departments in Russia, and not abroad, the end of the war at the behest of the people, political amnesty, personal freedoms, words, press, meetings, consumer-industrial and trade unions, conscience: struggle of labor with capital, universal and compulsory public education at the state expense, responsibility of ministers to the people and guarantor the legality of management, equality of all before the law, separation of the church from the state, cancellation of the institute of factory inspectors, the establishment at the plants and factories of permanent commissions of elected workers who, together with the administration, would analyze all claims of individual workers, an 8-hour work day and normalization of overtime work, normal wages, participation of representatives of workers in the development of bills on state insurance of workers. The government, waiting for the march, created a special headquarters led by the uncle of the tsar Vladimir Alekseevich. The city was divided into sectors, led by generals, who had at their disposal 8 thousand infantry and 3 thousand cavalry. Prince Vasilchikov was appointed commander of the troops. In addition to the existing capital garrison, troops from other cities were brought to Petersburg.

Desiring to prevent bloodshed, the intelligentsia group decided to send a deputation to the government, among whose delegates were A.M. Gorky, N.F. Annensky, V.A. Myakotin, A.V. Peshekhonov and others. But the Minister of the Interior P.D. Svyatopolk-Mirsky refused to accept them, and the chairman of the committee of ministers S.Yu. Witte stated that he was powerless to do anything.

On January 9 in the morning about 140 thousand people - men, women and children - with icons and banners headed towards the Winter Palace. The workers of the Narva region carried a large white flag that read: “Soldiers! Do not shoot people! ”But it didn’t help - the demonstrators were shot in several places - on Palace Square, at Narva Gate, at Nikolaev, Liteiny and Police Bridges, on Nevsky Prospekt, Morskaya and Gorokhovaya streets. Officially reported about 130 dead, the press said that over a thousand people were shot.

On the same day, barricades began to appear in different parts of the city (on Vasilievsky Island, Shlisselburgsky tract, at the Narva outpost, on Troitsky bridge, at squares on Nevsky).

Barricade battles resumed on January 10 (on Vasilyevsky Island); three days after the shooting of the demonstration, not a single plant in St. Petersburg worked, and a week later 40 thousand people went on strike in St. Petersburg.

The news of the shooting of a demonstration in St. Petersburg spread throughout the country - in response, strikes and strikes began everywhere, especially in large industrial centers. In Moscow, the January strike lasted 10 days - from January 10 to 19. It covered 140 enterprises. The general strike in Lodz turned into street fighting. Clashes with troops were accompanied by strikes in Warsaw, in Riga and other cities. In total, about 440 thousand people went on strike in January.

The revolutionary explosion provoked by the shooting forced Nicholas II to make concessions. Obviously, underestimating the seriousness of what was happening, the tsar ordered to give 50 thousand rubles to help the families of the victims, Svyatopolk-Mirsky was dismissed - A.G. was appointed in his place. Bulygin. In St. Petersburg, the post of Governor General was established, to which D.F. Trepov. In an announcement issued on behalf of the Minister of Finance Kokovtsev and Governor General Trepov, the workers were promised "to begin to develop questions about insurance." On January 10, a deputation organized by the administration and trained by the administration “from the workers of Petersburg” was taken to Tsarskoye Selo and presented to the tsar. By the end of January, it was decided to create a commission of representatives of industrialists and workers, chaired by N.V. Szydlowski to regulate their relationship.

Finally, on February 18, 1905, Nicholas II signed a rescript addressed to the Minister of the Interior A.G. Bulygin on the possibility of legislative work of elected representatives from the people.

But all these measures caused society even more irritation.

On February 18, a mass political strike began in St. Petersburg. February 23, it turned into universal.

The power of one person over another destroys primarily the ruling.

Lev Tolstoy

Bloody Sunday - a mass procession of workers on January 9, 1905 to the Tsar in order to present the Certificate with the requirements. The demonstration was shot, and its instigator Pop Gapon fled from Russia. According to official figures, 130 people were killed and several hundred injured that day. How briefly these figures are, and how bloody Sunday events turned out to be important for Russia, I will briefly discuss in this article.

On January 3, 1905, a rebellion began at the Putilov factory. This was a consequence of the worsening social situation of workers in Russia, and the reason was the dismissal of some workers at the Putilov factory. The strike began, which in just a few days swept the entire capital, virtually paralyzing its work. The rebellion became widespread thanks in large part to the "Meeting of Russian factory workers in St. Petersburg." The organization was led by priest George Gapon. By January 8, when more than 200 thousand people were involved in the rebellion, it was decided to go to the tsar in order to deliver him the "demands of the people." The document contained the following sections and requirements.

   Petition of the people to the king

Group	Requirements
Measures against ignorance and lack of rights of the people	Release of all victims of political opinion
	Declaration of liberties and security of person
	General public education at the expense of the state
	Responsibility of Ministers to the people
	Equality of all before the law
	Separation of church from state
Measures Against Poverty	The abolition of indirect taxes
	Cancellation of redemption payments for land
	Fulfillment of all government orders domestically and not abroad
	Ending the war
Measures against the yoke of capital over the ruble	Cancel factory inspectors
	Creation of work commissions in all plants and factories
	Trade union freedom
	8 hours working day and rationing overtime
	Freedom of struggle of labor with capital
	Salary increase

Only measures against the oppression of capital over the ruble can be called “workers”, that is, those that really worried the rebelled factory workers. The first 2 groups are in no way connected with the position of the workers, and were obviously brought in under pressure from revolutionary organizations. Moreover, it was the first 2 groups of demands that created bloody Sunday, which began in the form of a struggle for the rights of workers, and ended in the form of a struggle against autocracy. The freedom of the press, the freedom of political parties, the immediate end of the war, the abolition of indirect taxes, the amnesty of political prisoners, the separation of the church from the state - how does this all relate to the demands of the workers and their needs? At the very least, some points can be connected with the needs of manufacturers, but how, for example, is the daily life of workers connected with the separation of the church from the state and the amnesty of all political prisoners? But it is precisely these 2 points that transferred the rally to the category of revolution ...

Course of events

Timeline of the events of January 1905:

• January 3 - a rebellion at the Putilov factory in response to the dismissal of workers. At the head of the rebellion is Pop Gapon, chairman of the Assembly.
• January 4-5 - the spread of rebellion in other plants and factories. More than 150 thousand people are involved. The work of almost all plants and factories has been stopped.
• January 6 - there were no significant events, since the holiday “Baptism” was celebrated.
• January 7 - 382 enterprises of St. Petersburg were revolted, so the events could be called universal. On the same day, Gapon voiced the idea of \u200b\u200ba mass march to the king to convey demands.
• January 8 - Gapon delivers a copy of the Address to the Tsar to the Minister of Justice - N.V. Muravyov. The government in the morning pulls the army into the city and closes the center, since the revolutionary nature of the requirements is obvious.
• January 9 - mass sixth in columns to the Winter Palace. The shooting of a demonstration by government forces.

The chronology of Bloody Sunday allows us to make a paradoxical conclusion - the events were a provocation, and mutual. On the one hand, there were Russian police authorities (they wanted to show that they could solve any problem and intimidate the people), and on the other hand there were revolutionary organizations (they needed a reason for the strike to develop into a revolution, and they could openly advocate the overthrow of the autocracy). And this provocation was successful. There were shots from the side of the workers, there were shots from the side of the army. As a result, the shooting began. Official sources say about 130 dead. In fact, there were many more victims. The press, for example, wrote (later this figure was used by Lenin) about 4,600 dead.

Gapon and his role

After the start of the strikes, Gapon, who led the Assembly of Russian factory workers, gained great influence. Nevertheless, it is impossible to say that Gapon was a key figure in bloody Sunday. The idea is widely spread that the priest was an agent of the royal secret police and a provocateur. Many prominent historians speak of this, but not one of them has yet brought a single fact to prove this theory. Contacts between Gapon and the Tsarist secret police were in 1904, and Gapon himself did not hide this. Moreover, people who were members of the Assembly also knew about this. But there is not a single fact that in January 1905 Gapon was a royal agent. Although after the revolution this issue was actively dealt with. If the Bolsheviks did not find in the archives any documents linking Gapon with special services, then there really are none. So this theory is untenable.

Gapon put forward the idea of \u200b\u200bcreating a petition to the tsar, organizing a procession, and even himself led this procession. But he did not control the process. If he really were the ideological inspirer of the mass rise of the workers, then in the petition to the tsar there would not be those revolutionary points.

After the events of January 9, Gapon fled abroad. He returned to Russia in 1906. He was later arrested by the Socialist-Revolutionaries and executed for cooperation with the tsarist police. It happened on March 26, 1906.

Actions of the authorities

Characters:

• Lopukhin - director of the police department.
• Muravyov - Minister of Justice.
• Svyatopolk-Mirsky - Minister of the Interior. As a result, changed to Trepova.
• Fullon is the mayor of St. Petersburg. As a result, was replaced by Dedyulin.
• Meshetich, Fullon - tsarist army generals

As for the shooting, it was an inevitable consequence of the call of troops. After all, they were not called for the parade?

Until the end of the day on January 7, the authorities did not consider the popular rebellion as a real threat. In general, no steps were taken to restore order. But on January 7, it became clear what threat Russia was facing. In the morning, the issue of introducing martial law in St. Petersburg is being discussed. In the evening, a meeting of all the actors takes place and a decision is made to send troops into the city, but martial law is not introduced. At the same meeting, the question of the arrest of Gapon was raised, but this idea was abandoned, not wanting to provoke the people even more. Later, Witte wrote: "and the meeting was decided so that the workers' demonstrators should not be allowed further known limits located on the Palace Square."

By 6 o’clock in the morning on January 8, 26.5 infantry companies (about 2.5 thousand people) were introduced into the city, which began to settle down with the goal of “preventing”. By evening, a plan for the location of troops around Palace Square was approved, but there was no concrete plan of action! There was only a recommendation - not to allow people. Therefore, in fact, everything was assigned to the army generals. They decided ...

The spontaneous nature of the procession

Most history textbooks say that the workers' uprising in Petrograd was spontaneous: the workers were tired of arbitrariness and the dismissal of 100 people from the Putilov factory was the last straw that forced the workers to take action. It is said that only priest George Gapon headed the workers, but there was no organization in this movement. The only thing that ordinary people wanted was to convey to the king the severity of their situation. There are 2 points that refute this hypothesis:

1. In the demands of workers, more than 50% of the items are political, economic, and religious. This has nothing to do with the daily needs of the manufacturers, and indicates that there were people behind them who used people's discontent to foment a revolution.
2. The rebellion, which turned into a "bloody Sunday" happened in 5 days. The work of all the factories of St. Petersburg was paralyzed. The movement was attended by over 200 thousand people. How can this happen spontaneously and by itself?

On January 3, 1905, an uprising breaks out at the Putilov factory. About 10 thousand people are involved in it. On January 4, 15 thousand people were on strike, and on January 8, about 180 thousand people. Obviously, to stop the entire industry of the capital and the beginning of the riot of 180 thousand people needed an organization. Otherwise, nothing would have happened in such a short time.

The role of Nicholas 2

Nicholas 2 is a very controversial figure in Russian history. On the one hand, everyone justifies him today (they even canonized him), but on the other hand, the collapse of the Russian Empire, bloody Sunday, 2 revolutions are a direct consequence of his policy. At all important historical moments for Russia, Nikola 2 self-removed! So it was with bloody Sunday. On January 8, 1908, everyone already understood that serious events were taking place in the capital: more than 200 thousand people took part in strikes, the industry of the city was stopped, revolutionary organizations began to intensify, a decision was made to bring an army into the city, and even the issue of imposing martial law in Petrograd was being considered . And in such a difficult situation, the king was not in the capital on January 9, 1905! Historians today explain this with 2 reasons:

1. They feared an attempt on the emperor. Suppose, but what prevented the king, who is responsible for the country, from being heavily guarded in the capital and leading the process, making decisions? If they were afraid of an attempt, then it was possible not to go to the people, but the emperor was simply obliged to lead the country at such moments and make responsible decisions. It would be equivalent if, during the defense of Moscow in 1941, Stalin had left and not even been interested in what was happening there. This is even impossible to allow! Nicholas 2 did just that, and modern liberals are still trying to justify him.
2. Nicholas 2 took care of his family and retired to protect the family. The argument is clearly sucked out of the finger, but valid. One question arises - what did all this lead to? During the February Revolution, Nicholas 2, just like on bloody Sunday, avoided making decisions - as a result, he lost the country, and it was because of this that his family was shot. In any case, the king is responsible not only for the family, but also for the country (or rather, primarily for the country).

The events of bloody Sunday January 9, 1905, they most clearly identify the reasons why the Russian Empire collapsed - the tsar did not give a damn about what was happening. On January 8, everyone knew that there would be a procession to the Winter Palace, everyone knew that it would be numerous. In preparation for this, an army is being introduced, decrees are issued (albeit invisible to the masses) prohibiting processions. At such an important moment for the country, when everyone understands that a serious event is being prepared - there is no king in the capital! Can you imagine this, for example, under Ivan the Terrible, Peter 1, Alexander 3? Of course not. That’s the whole difference. Nicholas 2 was a “local” man who thought only of himself and his family, and not of the country for which he was responsible before God.

Who gave the order to shoot

The question of who gave the order to shoot during Bloody Sunday is one of the most difficult. Only one thing can be reliably and accurately said - Nicholas 2 did not give such an order, because he did not direct these events (the reasons were discussed above). The version that the government needed the shooting also does not stand up to the facts. It is enough to say that on January 9 Svyatopolk-Mirsky and Fullon were removed from their posts. Assuming that bloody Sunday was a provocation of the government, the resignation of the main characters who know the truth is illogical.

Rather, it could be that the authorities did not expect this (including provocations), but she should have expected it, especially when regular troops were brought into St. Petersburg. Further, the army generals simply acted in accordance with the “not to allow” order. They did not allow the advancement of people.

Significance and historical implications

The events of bloody Sunday January 9 and the shooting of a peaceful demonstration of workers were a terrible blow to the positions of the autocracy in Russia. If until 1905 no one said out loud that Russia didn’t need a tsar, and they talked about calling the Constituent Assembly as a means of influencing the tsar’s policies, then after January 9 the slogans “Down with the autocracy!” Had already begun to be proclaimed. On January 9 and 10, spontaneous rallies began to form, where Nikolai 2 was the main object of criticism.

The second important consequence of the shooting of the demonstration is the beginning of the revolution. Despite the strikes in St. Petersburg, it was only 1 city, but when the army shot the workers, the whole country rebelled and opposed the tsar. And it was the revolution of 1905-1907 that created the basis on which the events of 1917 were built. And all this is due to the fact that Nicholas 2 did not rule the country at critical moments.

Sources and literature:

• History of Russia edited by A.N. Sahorova
• History of Russia, Ostrovsky, Utkin.
• The beginning of the first Russian revolution. Documents and materials. Moscow, 1955.
• Red Chronicle 1922-1928.

True interpretation - calendar numbers 19-09.

• The symbol of the horoscope of people who were born on September 19, 2005 is Virgo (from August 22 to September 23).
• What is the year 1905 according to the eastern calendar ~ Blue Wooden Snake.
• The element of the zodiac symbol Virgo, with a date of birth 09/19/05 \u003e\u003e\u003e\u003e Land.
• The planet is the ruler of people who were born on the day on this date - Mercury.
• This date occurred at 38 weeks.
• According to the calendar in the month of September 30 days.
• The longitude of the day September 19 is 12 hours 33 minutes  (longitude of daylight hours is indicated - according to the average European latitude of Moscow, Minsk, Kiev.).
• Orthodox Easter Holiday\u003e April 30th.
• According to the calendar now - autumn.
• According to the modern calendar is not a leap year.
• It is better to wear the zodiac colors for people whose birthday September 19, 1905  Deep brown and very deep reddish purple.
• Trees matching the combination of the zodiac sign Virgo and 1905 according to the Chinese calendar ›Bird cherry and teak.
• Stones are protective talismans for people whose birthday is today \u003d ››› Andradit, Chrysolite, Peridot.
• The most suitable numbers for people happy birthday September 19, 05 # ›Eight.
• Very good days of the week for people born September 19, 1905  \u003e\u003e Tuesday.
• The basic qualities of the soul, people are the horoscope sign Virgo born into this number # ›calm, constant and indifferent.

Astrological description of men born on the day of September 19.

In the relationship of a man according to the Eastern calendar of birth (Blue Wooden Snake), with his wife in unlimited quantities will be present tenderness, mutual understanding and deepest affection. When dealing with them, you need to be a little careful. Sometimes he has a bad mood, you should not bother him at this time, he will cope with it, but if his condition begins to affect his physical health, distract him with something interesting. An affair with him will be cold and practical.
The wife of a man September 19, 1905 birth, will be struck by the feeling of reliability, security and stability that an earthly man gives. Of course, as an exception, he starts a physical relationship, but as a rule he simply has an interest in women. For him, work becomes a source of not only material support, but also moral pleasure.

Description of women born today, 09/19/1905, according to the Chinese horoscope of animals.

Do not be surprised if a woman September 19, 1905will be the only person who brought a can opener and porcelain plates to a picnic to arrange a real dinner. In fact, Virgo can love sincerely, be sincere and passionate. She is demanding of her future husband, and on the way to her happiness she cannot meet a more purposeful girl. It does not tolerate vulgarity, so pick up decent manners. If you decide that marriage with you is not for her, she will break off the relationship.
  Usually, women born on September 19, bring up one child. If her man can break her defense, then she can give vent to her unpredictable and unplanned passion. They are not often in crowded places. They are very true and do not forgive lies. Punctuality is the woman’s skate on the calendar for September 19, 1905 by month and day of birth, if you can’t arrive on time, think about a solution to the situation. If a man respects Virgo and patiently, does not criticize her, especially with people, then they will have excellent relations for many years.

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Under the sign of the horoscope Virgo, famous people were born:

emperor Caligula, Holy Mother Teresa, actor Keanu Reeves, actor Evgeny Leonov, actor Kirill Lavrov, actress Natalya Gundareva, Igor Kostolevsky, Vladimir Menshov, Sergey Garmash, athlete Konstantin Dzyu, actress Elena Proklova, Cardinal Richelieu, Sophia Loren, writer Theodore Dreiser, writer Leo Tolstoy, politician J. Arafat, Tsar Ivan the Terrible, scientist Tsiolkovsky, writer G. Wells, writer Goethe, artist Isaac Levitan, writer Lafayette, actress Greta Garbo, Sophia Loren, Ingrid Bergman, actor Richard Gere.

Calendar for the month of September 1905 by days of the week
Mon	Tue	Wed	Th	Fri	Sat	Sun
				1	2	3
4	5	6	7	8	9	10
11	12	13	14	15	16	17
18	19	20	21	22	23	24
25	26	27	28	29	30